ordinal numeral

This article surveys the global distribution of morphological patterns that connect ordinal numerals with cardinal numerals. We associate these two classes of numerals with different functional domains: By cardinal numerals , we understand the set of numerals used in attributive quantification of nouns (e.g. 'four days'). Ordinal numerals typically identify the position a given member of a set occupies relative to other members of the same set (e.g. 'the fourth day'). The main functions of ordinal numerals thus comprise the identification of ranks within a hierarchy and the identification of the temporal order in a sequence of events or the like. For more information on numerals, see Hurford (1975 , 1987 ). In Veselinova (1997) and Stolz (2001d) , we observed that crosslinguistically the morphological relation of cardinal numerals and ordinal numerals is neither random nor homogeneous. We established eight recurrent patterns whose validity has been corroborated by the present sample of 321 languages. These eight types are listed in the feature-value box: In quite a few languages, ordinal numerals do not exist at all, nor are their functions taken over by cardinal numerals. An example is Kobon (Trans-New Guinea ; Davies 1989b : 207-208), where a system of cardinal numerals is attested, but temporal and local adverbs are used instead to encode the relative order of phenomena: ñi nöd (lit. ‘child before’) ‘first/eldest child’. What distinguishes this type from the preceding type is the fact that numerals are used to indicate temporal sequence and hierarchical order. Morphologically, there is no way of telling cardinal and ordinal numerals apart, i.e. there is only one multifunctional set of numerals. Sapuan (Bahnaric , Austro-Asiatic ; Laos ) offers convincing examples of such multifunctional numerals, cf. (1). a. sɜm bar lăy house two house.class ‘two houses’ b. bar măy law two language Lao ‘my second language is Lao’ a. gadis ke-tiga girl def-three ‘the third girl’ b. ke-tiga gadis def-three girl ‘the three girls’ This type shares the identity of cardinal numerals and ordinal numerals with the foregoing type "One, two, three", though with one exception: there is a separate and distinct expression for ‘first’ that is derivationally independent of the cardinal ‘one’. The inventories of ordinal and cardinal numerals proper therefore consist of only one item each. This is the case in Goajiro (Arawakan ; Venezuela ), where from 2 onwards cardinal and ordinal numerals are identical, cf. (3). There is no synchronic or diachronic morphological connection between wanè ‘one’ and pala’jana ‘first’. The first position in the numeral paradigm is subject to suppletion. In this type, cardinal and ordinal numerals are formally distinct and none of the ordinal numerals is derivationally independent of its corresponding cardinal partner. All ordinal numerals are regularly derived from matching cardinal numerals. This general rule extends also to ‘one’ and ‘first’. A typical example of "One-th, two-th, three-th" is Hunzib (Nakh-Daghestanian ; eastern Caucasus), cf. (4). The ordinal numerals in this paradigm are derived from the cardinal numerals via suffixation of –s(ə) . The phonological shape of this suffix is dependent on the quality of the final segment of the numeral stem. The pair consisting of hə̃s ‘one’ and hə̃s.sə ‘first’ behaves morphologically exactly like the rest of the numerals. The paradigm is absolutely regular and free of suppletion. This is a kind of mixture of the two previous types. In principle, regular derivation of ordinal numerals from their corresponding cardinal partners applies on every rank and for every value. However, there are two alternative options for the expression of ‘first’, one following the regular derivation pattern, the other being suppletive. A good example of this allomorphy is Turkish . In this language, every ordinal numeral is derived from its cardinal counterpart via suffixation of –(I)nc